Last week the Irish people delivered a blow to the corrupt Irish government.
They voted an overwhelming No to a referendum that would have redefined family and women.
The proposed referenda altering the nation’s constitution enjoyed the support of Ireland’s elites, but the attempt to embed woke values in it has backfired.
The Government asked voters to remove the word 'mother' from the Constitution and they answered with a resounding No.
They also rejected by a huge margin the attempt to foist the extremely nebulous term "durable relationships" on the Constitution.
The government worked in conjunction with every political party and legacy media outlet to tell and coerce the people into accepting these changes. The people refused.
John Waters returns to Hearts of Oak to analyse why this referendum was proposed and what the rejection means, not only for the government but for the people of Ireland.
John Waters is an Irish Thinker, Talker, and Writer. From the life of the spirit of society to the infinite reach of rock ‘n’ roll; from the puzzle of the human ‘I’ to the true nature of money; from the attempted murder of fatherhood to the slow death of the novel, he speaks and writes about the meaning of life in the modern world.
He began part-time work as a journalist in 1981, with Hot Press, Ireland’s leading rock ‘n’ roll magazine and went full-time in 1984, when he moved from the Wild West to the capital, Dublin. As a journalist, magazine editor and columnist, he specialised from the start in raising unpopular issues of public importance, including the psychic cost of colonialism and the denial of rights to fathers under what is called family 'law'. He was a columnist with The Irish Times for 24 years when being Ireland's premier newspaper still meant something. He left in 2014 when this had come to mean diddly-squat, and drew the blinds fully on Irish journalism a year later.
Since then, his articles have appeared in publications such as First Things, frontpagemag.com, The Spectator, and The Spectator USA. He has published ten books, the latest, Give Us Back the Bad Roads (2018), being a reflection on the cultural disintegration of Ireland since 1990, in the form of a letter to his late father.
Connect with John...
SUBSTACK johnwaters.substack.com/
WEBSITE: anti-corruptionireland.com/
Recorded 18.3.24
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WEBSITE heartsofoak.org/
PODCASTS heartsofoak.podbean.com/
SOCIAL MEDIA heartsofoak.org/connect/
*Special thanks to Bosch Fawstin for recording our intro/outro on this podcast.
Check out his art https://theboschfawstinstore.blogspot.com/ and follow him on X https://twitter.com/TheBoschFawstin?s=20
TRANSCRIPT
(Hearts of Oak)
And it's wonderful to have John Waters join us once again from Ireland.
John, thanks so much for your time today.
(John Waters)
Thank you, Peter.
Pleasure to be with you.
Great to have you on.
It was ages ago, goodness, talking about immigration.
That was a good 18 months ago.
Always good to have you on.
And people can follow you, on your Substack, johnwaters.substack.com.
That's where they can get all your writings.
You've got one of your latest ones, I think, Beware the Ides of March, part one.
Do you just want to mention that to give people a flavour of what they can find on
your Substack?
Yeah, it's a short series.
I don't know.
I think it's going to be probably two, maybe three articles.
I have several other things that are kind of related to it. It's really the story of what
happened, what has been happening since four years ago really, as opposed to what
they told us, what happened, what we've been talking about.
It's essentially, this was not about your health.
It was about your wealth, and that's the message so I go through that in terms of its
meanings. And in the first part which has just gone up last night; it's really about
the the way that the the predator class the richest of the rich in the world are
essentially.
Coming to the end of their three-card trick which has been around now for 50 years.
Which is the money systems that emerge after the untethering of currencies from the gold standard.
And that's essentially been a balloon that's been expanding, expanding, expanding,
and it's about to blow.
They're trying to control that explosion.
But essentially, their mission is to ensure that, not a drop of their wealth is spilt in
whatever happens, right?
And that everybody else will lose everything, pretty much. They don't care about that.
In fact, that's part of their wish.
And so it's that really what I'm kind of talking about and how that started.
We now know that the beginnings of what is called COVID were nothing to do with a virus.
There was a bulletin issued by Black Rock on the 15th of August 2019, Assumption
Day in the Christian calendar, which is the day that the body of our Blessed Virgin
was assumed and received into heaven.
But, the word assumption has lots of other meanings.
I think there was a lot of that at play on that particular day when they were assuming
the right to dictate to the world what its future should be.
That was really the start of it. And then the COVID lockdowns and all of that flowed
inexorably.
There's a lot of stuff we could go into, but we won't.
I don't think about vaccines and all the rest of it.
They're part of that story.
But the central part was that this was completely fabricated and completely
engineered and it was a fundamental attack on human freedom in the west particularly.
And has been largely successful so far but, now as I think we're going
to talk about it, in Ireland there's beginning to be that little bit of a pushback.
I'm hopeful now.
Well, obviously I've really enjoyed your your writings on Substack.
I don't have the patience for the writing, but you are a writer a journalist and that is
your bread and butter.
People obviously can support you financially on Substack if they want to do that
after reading your writings.
Let's go into Ireland: we saw this referendum and it's interesting.
We'll get into some of the comments on it, but really there were two parts of this
referendum and it was focusing on family and the woman's position or the mother's position.
Do you want to just let us know how this referendum came about?
OK, well, first of all, you've got to see it in its context, which is in a series of attacks
on the Irish Constitution going back.
Going back, you could say 30 years.
It depends in the context of the European Union and the various referendums that we had about that, the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty, in which the Irish people were
basically told when they voted ‘no’, that's the wrong answer.
You're going to have to think again, and you're going to have to vote again.
And they did, and it passed, because they were just bullied into doing it.
In the past decade or so, a dozen years, we've had three critical referendums
which attacked, the Irish Constitution which has a series of fundamental rights
articles right in the centre of it, articles 40 to 44.
That's been informally called by judges over the years: the Irish Bill of Rights, which
is all the personal fundamental rights, all the rights that derive essentially from
natural law in the greater number of them.
That, in other words, they're inalienable, imprescriptible, they are antecedent.
They're not generated by the Constitution or indeed by the people. Certainly not by the government or anybody else.
So, now there was an attack on Article 41 in 2012, which was purportedly to put in
children's rights into the Constitution.
That was completely bogus because it was a successful attempt attempt to transfer
parental rights to the state.
That's what it was when you look closely at it.
And I was fighting all these referendums.
Then in 2015, we had the so-called gay marriage or the marriage referendum.
Which essentially, people don't really get this; they talk about Ireland having legalised
gay marriage.
No, no, we didn't. That's not what we did.
We actually destroyed marriage by putting gay marriage as an equivalent concept in
our constitution.
And then there was the infamous Eighth Amendment referendum in 2018, which was
to take out an amendment which had been put in some 40 years before, 30 years
before, in 1983, to guarantee, to, as it were, copper fasten the right to life of the
unborn child.
And there's a very subtle point that needs to be made about this, not very subtle really, but legally it is, which is that this was an unlawful referendum because this was one of those inalienable, imprescriptible rights.
Even though the article in which it was couched on was only introduced in 1983, and
all it was, was a kind of a reminder, that these rights exist, because these rights already exist as unenumerated rights.
And as a result of that the referendum was actually unlawful and should never have
taken place, because the Irish people had no right to vote down the rights of a section of its own population.
Which was the unborn children waiting to emerge into the world to live their lives in
peace and whatever would come their way in that life.
But nevertheless, to have a law, to have essentially an illegal, unlawful law, quote unquote, created that prevented them from even entering this world.
It seemed to me to be the greatest abomination that has ever happened in our country.
So, this was a continuation of this.
There are different theories about what it was about.
There were two amendments, as you said, Peter.
The second one that you mentioned was the mother in the home.
And this was a guarantee to women, to mothers, that they would be protected from
having to go out, if they wished, to go out into the workplace and work.
And if they wanted to mind their children, then the state would take care of them.
It's not specific, but nevertheless, it placed on the state a burden of responsibility to
give women this choice.
Now, of course, the government and its allies, its proxies, try to say that it's really an
attack on women, that it says there are places in the home, this kind of caricaturing of
the wording and so on.
In fact, it's nonsense because there's another article, Article 45, which explicitly
mentions the right of women to have occupations in the public domain and to go and work and earn a living for themselves.
So, this was a complete caricature. And I think people understood that.
The other one then was a redefinition of the family, which is Article 41.
Again, all of this is 41, which defines the family, always has, as being based on
marriage.
That has been the source of some dissension over the years, some controversy,
because more and more families were outside marriage, as it were.
There were small F families, as it were, rather than a big F family, as arises in the
Constitution.
And they claimed to be sorting this out.
But of course, they weren't sorting it out at all.
When you actually catalogued the various categories of family who might theoretically benefit from such a change, none of them were benefiting at all.
I went through this microscopically in the course of the campaign several times on
videos and so on.
So, really what it was, was to leverage the progressive vote, I think.
That was one object, to get people excited again.
They were getting nostalgic for 2015 and 2018 because they were becoming more and more popular.
That was certainly one aspect.
But, there were other aspects, which is that they were introducing into the
constitution, or supposedly, that along with marriage, that also would be included
something called durable relationships.
And they refused or were unable to define what this meant.
The result of it is that there were all kinds of proposals and suggestions that it might
well mean, for example, polygamy, that it might mean the word appear durable
appears in European law in the context of immigration.
There was a very strong suspicion, which the government was unable to convincingly deny, that this was a measure that they needed to bring in in order to make way for
what they call family reunification, so that if one person gets into Ireland, they can
then apply to have their entire families brought in after them.
That's already happening, by the way, without this.
They say that something like an average of 20 people will follow anybody who gets in
and gets citizenship of Ireland.
They bring something like an average of 20 people with them afterwards.
So this was another aspect of it.
There were many, many theories posited about it.
But one thing for sure was that the government was lying literally every day about it,
trying to present this progressive veneer.
And more and more, what was really I think staggering in the end in a certain sense,
was that the people not alone saw it in a marginal way, they saw it in an overwhelming way, this was the start, I mean I don't think a single person, myself included predicted that we would have a 70-30 or whatever it was roughly, 3-1 result.
For now, I mean, that was really miraculous and I've said to people that it was actually a kind of loaves and fishes that it was greater than the sum of all its parts, greater than anything that we thought was possible.
It was like a miracle that all of the votes just keep tumbling out, tumbling out, no, no, no, no, no.
And I've been saying that that no actually represents much more than what it might
technically read as a response to the wording that was on the ballot paper, that it was
really, I think, the expression of something that we hadn't even suspected was there,
Because for four years now, the Irish people have labored under this tyranny of, you
know, really abuse of power by the government, by the police force, by the courts.
And a real tyranny that is really, I think, looks like it's getting its feet under the table
for quite a long haul.
And accompanied by that, there was what I call this concept, this climate of mutism,
whereby people weren't able any longer to discuss certain things in public for fear
that they would get into trouble, because this was very frequently happening.
I mean, since the marriage referendum of 2015, Before that, for about a year, the LGBTgoons went on the streets and ensured that everybody got the message that we weren't allowed to talk about things that they had an interest in.
And anybody who did was absolutely eviscerated, myself included, and was cancelled
or demonised or whatever.
That has had a huge effect on Irish culture, a culture that used to be very
argumentative and garrulous, has now become almost paranoid, and kind of, you have this kind of culture of humming and hawing.
If you get involved in a conversation with somebody and you say something that is
even maybe two or three steps removed from a controversial issue, they will
immediately know it and clam up.
This has been happening now in our culture right across the country.
When you think about it, I've been saying in the last week that actually for all its
limitations, locations, the polling booth, that corner of the room in which the votes
are being cast with the little table and the pencil and a little bit of a curtain in some
instances, but even not, there's a kind of a metaphorical curtain.
And that became the one place in Ireland that you could overcome your mutism, that
you could put your mark on that paper and do it convincingly and in a firm hand.
And I think that's really the meaning of it, that it was a no, no, no, no, no to just about everything that this government and its proxies have been trying to push over on
Ireland for the last few years, including the mass immigration, essential replacement
of the Irish population, including the vaccines, which really have killed now in Ireland something like 20,000 people over the past three years.
I would say a conservative enough estimate not to mention the injuries of people; the many people who are ill now as a result of this and then of course we
have the utterly corrupt media refusing to discuss any of this and to put out all kinds
of misdirection concerning.
John, can I just say, there's an interesting line in one of the articles on this.
It said the scale of rejection spelled humiliation for the government, but also
opposition parties and advocacy groups who had united to support a yes, yes vote.
Tell us about that.
It's not just the government, well the government is made up obviously of the three
parties, the unholy alliance, of Fianna Fáil, Fianna Gael and, sorry, what was the
other?
The Green Party.
Sorry, the Greens.
The Green Party are a fairly traditional element in Irish politics, not so much in the
ideology, but in the idea of the small party, because they're They're the tail that wags
the dog.
They have all the ideological ideas.
The main parties have virtually no ideology whatsoever.
Like they've been just catch-all parties for a century or whatever their
existence has been.
But yes, that idea, you see, what we've noticed increasingly over the last, say, 10, 15
years, particularly I think since 2011, we had an election that year, which I think was a critical moment in Irish life, when in fact everything seemed to change.
We didn't notice it at the time, but moving on from that, it became clear that
something radical had happened in the ruins of Irish culture, as it were, both
spellings actually.
And so, as we moved out from that, it became clear that really there was no
opposition anymore.
That all the parties were just different shades or different functions within a singular
Ideology.
Like the so-called left parties were, it's not that they would be stating the thing.
They would sort of, they would become almost like the military wing of the
mainstream parties, enforcing their diktats on the streets.
If people went to protest about something outside the Houses of Parliament, the
Leinster House, these people would up and mount a counter protest against them
and call them all kinds of names.
Like Nazis and white supremacists, all this nonsense, which has no place in Irish
culture whatsoever.
It is a kind of a uni-party, as they say, is the recent term for it.
But, my own belief is that actually this is a somewhat distraction in the sense that we
shouldn't anymore be looking at individual parties because, in fact, all of them are
captured from outside.
And the World Economic Forum is basically dictating pretty much everything that
everybody thinks now.
I mean, our so-called Taoiseach, God help us, I hate to call him that because it's
an honourable title.
It's a sacred title to me.
And to have this appalling creep going swaggering around claiming that title for
himself, it seems it's one of the great obscenities of of modern Ireland.
But he, Brad Kerr.
He is a member of the World Economic Forum.
So is Martin, the leader of Fianna Fáil.
They've been switching over the Taoiseach role for the last four years.
Yeah, because that's quite strange. I mean, many of our viewers will not be from
Ireland and will be surprised at the confusion system you have where they just swap every so often, because the three of them are in cahoots.
That's the completely new thing.
That's never happened before.
But what it's about, you see, those two parties are the Civil War parties. Civil War back in 1922.
Those parties grew out of it, and they became almost equivalent in popularity.
They represented in some ways the divide of that Civil War.
And for the best part of 100 years, they were like the main, they were the yin and yang.
They were the Tweedledum and Tweedledee of the political system.
And gradually, in the last 30, 40 years, the capacity of either of those parties to win
an overall majority has dwindled and basically disappeared, evaporated.
So now they need smaller parties. And that's been true for about 30 years.
And as I say, what actually happens then is that the smaller party, no matter how
small, if it's big enough to actually make the difference numerically, then it has the
power to take over certain areas of policy in which the big parties have no interest
whatsoever.
And that's how you get things like migration, because they don't care about that.
That's how you get social welfare policies, all that kind of stuff.
This is kind of what's happened in the last, particularly since 2020, where there was a
complete unanimity.
I could name, with the fingers of one hand, the people in the parliament, a total of over200 people in between the two houses, that who actually have stood up and actually in in any way acquitted themselves decently in the last four years.
The rest have just been nodding donkeys and going along with this great tyranny against the Irish people and the contempt that Radcliffe and his cronies show for the Irish
people.
Literally, almost like to the point of handing out straws and saying, suck it up, suck it
up, suck it up.
And this is where we are now, that our democracy has been taken away, for sure.
I mean, that last week was a really a bit of a boost but that was only
because they couldn't fix that.
It was a referendum and they couldn't possibly predict what the turnout would be in
order to ready up the votes in advance but I have no doubt that they would be trying to
rectify that they're giving votes now to in local elections which we have to every
immigrant who comes into Ireland so by the time that the Irish people get to the polls it'll all be over.
These are people who don't even know how to spell the name of the country they're in many cases and this This is what's happening.
The contempt these people have shown for our country is beyond belief.
It is dizzying. It is nauseating.
But the Irish people are told to shut up.
And of course, the media, without which none of this will be possible, by the way.
I mean, if we had decent, honest media, they would be calling the government out
every day. But they're not.
And so it remains to be seen now what effect this will have.
I don't have any confidence that it's going to put any manners on this government
because they are beyond arrogant, beyond traitorous, beyond redemption in my view.
But at the same time, there is a possibility that in the next elections, we have three
elections coming up now in the next year, in the next few months, actually, I would say,almost certainly.
Well, we know for sure there's the European elections, European Parliament elections, and the local local elections are happening in June.
Then there's a very strong probability that the general election will take place
sometime in the autumn because it has to happen before this time next year.
And of course, the longer they leave it, the less flexibility and wiggle room they'll have in order because, events, dear boy, events can take over and they don't want to do, they don't like events, you know.
I think what will be very interesting then is will something emerge in these elections, which would, if you like, will be a kind of an equivalent to that no box on toilet paper
in the form of independence, perhaps, or in the form of some form of new movement,
some actual spontaneous voice of the Irish people might well be something that could happen.
I hope so. And I feel so as well.
I think that this is the moment that it happened before, Peter, back in 2011, when
there was the really appalling events that happened in the wake of the economic
meltdown, when the troika of the IMF, the World Bank and the European
Commission, three entities, arrived as a kind of a coalition or a coalition.
A kind of a joint policing visitation, shall we say, to basically take possession of Irish
economic sovereignty.
And that was a great humiliation, a moment of extraordinary sorrow and grief and
rage in the Irish people.
And that moment, I think, if you lit a match in Ireland at that time, the whole place
would have gone up.
But, what happened then was a bogus movement started and pretended that it was
going to go and lead an alternative movement against these cretins, these cretinous
thugs and traitors who are the mainstream parties.
And instead, then at the very last minute, they blocked the hallway, as Bob Dylan said, they stood in the doorway, they blocked up the hall, and nobody could go
through until the very last moment when they stepped aside.
said they weren't going to run, and ushered in Mr. Enda Kenny, who became
possibly the greatest destroyer in Irish history since Oliver Cromwell.
Yeah. When I grew up in the 80s with Gareth Fitzgerald and Charles Hawkey back
Fianna Gael, Fianna Fáil, there did seem to be a choice.
And now it seems to be that there isn't really a choice for the voters and they've
come together.
Is that a fair assessment of where Ireland are?
Yes, 100%, Peter.
But, I think it's very important to, whereas we can go into the whole walk thing, as
these parties are now, fixated with woke, contaminated with it.
They're saturated with this nonsense and really assiduously pushing it.
But I always remind people that none of this is spontaneous, that woke is not a
spontaneous, naturalistic movement from the people or even any people.
Of course, there are people pushing it, but they're just useful idiots.
This has been, this is top-down, manipulation of an orchestration of our
democracies.
And it's happening everywhere now.
These massive multibillionaires pumping money into this, into basically
destructive political elements, Antifa, the LGBT goons, and so on and so on.
Terrorist groups, essentially. Let's not mess around.
They're terrorist groups. And using these to batter down the democratic structures of Western countries. That's what's happening.
And you see, the people that we are looking at who are the puppets.
They're the quokka-wodgers, I call them.
That's the name for them, actually, the quokka-wodgers, people who are simply like
wooden puppets of the puppet masters.
They're filling space, placeholders.
They're indistinguishable.
It doesn't matter.
I mean, rotating the role of Taoiseach is irrelevant because essentially, you
could just have a showroom dummy sitting on the chair for the full four years.
It doesn't matter who it is, except the only difference it makes is that the quality of the dribble that emerges from the mouths of Martin and Varadkar is somewhat variegated
in the sense that, Varadkar is capable of saying the most disgusting things because
he has no knowledge of Ireland.
He's half Irish.
He's an Irish mother and an Indian father. He has no love for Ireland whatsoever.
He did a speech there the other day, apparently in America, where he was saying that
St. Patrick was a single male immigrant.
Nobody, I think, at the meeting where he said it, had the temerity to point out to him
that actually St.Patrick was a victim of people traffickers.
And that's exactly what's happening now.
He's their principal ally in the destruction of Ireland.
Well, how does that fit? Because interesting comment about Varadkar's background,
his parents Indian.
We, of course, here in the UK and England, it's the same with Sunak.
And then in Wales, you've just got the new first minister.
I think was born in Zambia, I think, Africa.
And then, of course, you've got in Scotland and in London, Pakistani heritage.
You kind of look around.
And I think my issue is not necessarily that you've got that different background.
My issue is the lack of integration and understanding of what it means to be this
culture and this community and a lack of understanding.
I think that's where Varadkar seems to have torn up the rule book and what it means to be Irish and wants to rewrite it.
Oh, well, they're actively saying now that really there's no such thing as Irish culture
and that, the people who live in Ireland, those people have been here for hundreds or maybe thousands of years.
That they have no particular claim on this territory.
Trade.
This is something that the great Irish patriot, Wulff Tone, mourned about.
He said, this country of ours is no sandbag.
It's an ancient land honoured into antiquity by its valor, its piety, and its suffering.
That's forgotten.
People like Varadkar don't know the first thing about this and care less.
They're like Trudeau in Canada, a completely vacant space, empty-headed.
Narcissists, egomaniacs psychopaths.
They are. And they are and traitors like they are really doing things now.
I did a stream last week; there was somebody in America in Utah, and I was saying
in the headline, I found myself saying this that what is happening cannot
possibly be happening.
That's really the way all of us feel now that this is like just something surreal real, that is beyond comprehension, because it wasn't possible for us to forget, to predict.
That a person could be elected into the office of Taoiseach, who would be
automatically a traitor, who would have no love for Ireland.
It seemed to be axiomatic that in order to get there, you wanted to care, you had to
care and love Ireland.
These people have no love for Ireland.
They are absolutely the enemies of Ireland now.
You mentioned the two other referendums that happened or in effect on same-sex marriage and life or the lack of sanctity of life and those went through this this
hasn't.
Does that mean there is a growing resentment with the government.
Is it a growing opposition and desire for conservative values where kind of is that
coming from I know it's probably difficult to analyze it because this just happened a
week ago but what are your thoughts on that?
It's difficult.
It's difficult because there are different explanations going around.
I can only tell you what I believe, and it's based on just observation over a long time.
I believe that it is.
I've been saying, for the last two years about Ireland in this context.
That the Irishman, Paddy, as he's called, and we don't mind him being called that.
You can imagine him sitting in the pub, in a beautiful sunny evening.
The shadows of the setting sun coming across the bar.
Oh, I'm dreaming that. I can have this picture in my mind, John.
And he's got a dazzle, as we say, a dashing of beer, and he's sticking it away.
And then there's a couple of young fellas there, and they start messing, pushing
around and maybe having a go at some of the women in the bar or whatever.
And Paddy will sit there for a long time, and he'll sort of have a disapproving look
but he won't say anything, but there will be a moment and I call it: the kick the chair
moment.
When he will just reef the chair from under him and he will get up and he'll get one of those guys and he'll have him slapped up against the wall and he will tell him the odds.
That's the moment I think we've arrived at, that all of the contempt all of the hatred,
these people go on about introducing hate speech law there is nobody in Ireland that
is more hateful than the government towards its own people.
100 percent.
The most hateful government, I think, in the world at this point.
They are abysmal.
They're appalling.
So, this is the moment when I think people took that in. They took it in.
They took it in.
We suck it up. OK.
But then one day they said, no, no more.
And that's what happened on Friday week, last Friday, Friday week.
That's what happened because, you can push people so far.
A lot of this has to do with Ireland's kind of inheritance of post-colonial self-hatred, whereby they can convince us that we're white supremacists, even though we
have no history of slavery or anything like that, except being slaves ourselves, our
ancestors being slaves.
But there is, as Franz Fallon wrote about many years ago, back in the 50s, the
pathologies that infect a country that's been colonized are such as to weaken them in
a terrible way in the face of the possibility of independence, that they cannot stand
up for themselves. And you can see this now.
I mean, all over Irish culture now on magazines, on hoardings, in television
advertisements, there's nothing but black faces.
You would swear that Ireland was an African country.
This is part of the gaslighting, that attack that has been mounted against the Irish
people.
And people, Irish people, you see genuinely because they don't.
They don't understand what's happening because the word racist is a kind of a spell
word, which is used, I call it like a, like it's like a cattle prod, and as soon as you say something, and a big space opens up around you because nobody wants to
be near somebody who's a racist.
But in fact, we need to begin to understand that these are just words and sticks and
stones and so on.
If we allow this to happen it means that we will lose our metaphysical home that our
children and our grandchildren will be homeless in the world that's what's going to
happen, because it's already clear from a lot of these people who are coming in that
they're shouting the odds and saying that basically Irish people just better get up and
leave their own country, because they're not welcome anymore.
These are outsiders who've been here a wet weekend.
They're being trained in this you asked me.
I forgot to mention this thing Ireland has something like 35,000 NGOs 35,000
Wow
And and these people, in other words they're non-governmental organization.
what's a non-government at mental organization?
That's a government which works that's in organization which works for the
government, but pretends not to.
Ireland has been governed now to non-government mental organizations
and these people are bringing in these foreigners and they're training them.
They're coaching them how to attack the Irish people, how to make a claim on Ireland.
I read an article somebody sent me last week where some guy who came here from
Chechnya, and he was saying how great it was that you could come to Ireland and
become Irish within hours.
Whereas, you could never become Japanese or Chinese, which, of course, is true.
I mean, if I went to Japan, I think it would take about 10,000 years before a relation of mine might be Japanese. And rightly so.
Rightly so.
There's nothing racist about that.
That's just the way things are.
That's every country, including the African countries, want to uphold their own
ethnicity, integrity and nationhood.
Why the hell can Ireland not do the same?
It seems we can't.
And our own government telling us and our own media is telling us that we can't.
Some background, there were 160 members in the Dáil of the Irish Parliament and
the government is 80.
I was quite surprised at that, because you talk about a government wanting extra seats to get a bigger majority, but it seems though you look who's the opposition and you've got Sinn Féin and they are even more captured by the woke agenda than anyone.
So you kind of look; it's kind of the government are rubbing it in people's
noses, because they don't actually need a majority or a big majority, because
everyone else seems to be fitting into this agenda.
Yeah, that's a really important point, Peter.
It's really important because, you see, what happened in 2020 is really instructive.
We had an election in 2020 in February.
I actually ran myself.
The only time in my life I've ever run for an election because things were looking so
bad.
I ran in the worst constituency in Ireland, actually, Dundee, which is the only
constituency which voted yes in this referendum.
So, that'll just show you how demoralised I was, let's say.
But, what happened then was that the government, outgoing government, was
basically hammered.
Varadkar for government were hammered.
There was a standoff for for several months when there was negotiations and then
something happened that was totally, not likely but each of the parties Fianna
Gael, and Fianna Fáil, in the previous election and for years, and decades,
before that has said that they would never ever ever coalesce with the other.
Then they did.
What we had then was from from from February through until late June of that year:
we had Radcliffe running a kind of a caretaker government in the period when the
most draconian and radical and unprecedented laws were introduced into Irish
society.
Nothing like them ever before, the COVID laws.
And then in July, Martin, they went into coalition then, and we had Martin, Fianna
Fáil and Fianna Gael in coalition doing the same thing, implementing the same
policies without question.
And anybody who did question, as I did, and others, we got hammered and treated
like dirt in the courts, in the media, you name it.
That's the thing; those parties, they know that no matter what happens, they can rig up the arithmetic.
That there's nothing for further.
There's nowhere as things stand unless you get a huge tranche of independents who
have the power to nullify whatever power these small parties will have.
But you see, one of the factors involved here now, they don't have a this election for
the general election where they'll be able to get immigrants and Ukrainians and all these people to vote.
But that's probably in a very short order, possibly by the next general election, they
will have organised that.
And means that increasingly, just as in terms of the birth rate, Ireland is
already being overtaken.
The population is already beginning to be, you know, you can see that the incoming
population is growing at a much faster rate than the Irish population, in the
indigenous population because we have European demographics.
We had very briefly, some time ago.
Surges after John Paul visited in 79 and so on.
We had much higher birth rates than the rest of Europe, but not anymore.
And so essentially what we're looking at right across Europe is a replacement
of population.
Intimidation and the way you can really know this is that they've decided that
the word replacement is a hate word and and when they say that you're over
the target because, whenever something becomes dead obvious they make
it quasi-illegal they make it into a crime.
I've seen that.
Can I ask it's it's weird because there's a positive and a negative I see.
The negative is that there doesn't seem to be a vocal opposition to what is
happening or a grouping that is standing for family, for the rights of women,
a pro-women party.
And so there doesn't seem to be that on one side.
But yet, on the other side, the people have rejected what they were told to vote
for, not only by the politicians, by every political party, but also by the media.
Everything was telling them to do one thing and they've done something else
and yes, I mean that rebelliousness, I love, but I'm wondering in the
middle of that, there a group movement that can appear to begin to stand up,
because Ireland doesn't really have a populist movement; like we're seeing in
every European country.
Except Britain and Ireland.
We're left on the sidelines.
Yeah, yeah.
Really there was never be this is ironic given that that Edmund Burke was an
Irishman.
There's been no real conservative party.
I mean, they've been called, Fine Gael and Fine Fáil were called conservative parties,
but they had no philosophy whatsoever.
When Hardy came to Hardy, they switched to the woke side.
There's no intellectual, interesting party that puts forward family-related policies, say like Viktor Orban does in Hungary or anything like that.
It's purely a kind of reactive opposition.
That's very, very dismaying because, we desperately need.
One of the problems I think here, Peter, is ironically, that is a residual effect of the war against the Catholic Church, which has succeeded in, particularly the clerical abuse
scandals, have succeeded in making people very wary of speaking about, what you
might call Catholic issues, whether that's expressed in family or abortion or whatever.
So, those issues tend to be leveraged by the leftist and liberal parties to actually agitate people so as they actually will go against whatever the church is recommending.
That's been the pattern going right back in the last, certainly in the last decade or so,
that that was very strong in the referendums.
You see that this is a real problem because, if you go on the media in Ireland, if you
would go on, if you would be let on, on the national broadcaster now, you would be
harangued and harassed if you were proposing.
Nobody would say: “OK, well, what do you got to say?”
And then:
”OK, well, I don't agree with that," but here's my position.”
And that's gone.
You're just harangued and you're sneered at, not necessarily just by the opposition
that's in the studio, but by the presenter, probably foremost among them.
That's the way that these things have gone now.
And you have all these newspapers campaigning, activists.
They purport to be, I guess, in the referendum recently, they purported to be covering
it. But in fact, they were fighting for the yes side.
And this has been the standard approach like that. They tell all these lies.
I mean, like there's a very important lie that I want to just call out, which is the Tune
Babies Hooks lie, which happened about 10 years ago.
Where there was allegations made that 800 babies had been killed by nuns in Tum and buried in a septic tank.
There's been a commission of inquiry that has spent 10 years investigating this and
they have not found one skeleton, one bone of a child in a septic tank.
Yet, the news has not gone around the world anything like to the extent that the first
story went round.
And people still out there that I meet think it is absolutely gospel truth that nuns
killed 800 children and buried their bodies in a septic tank.
That is a complete and utter lie.
And they have failed after 10 years of trying.
And yet that issue was used, was leveraged in the 2018 referendum to defeat the voice of the church, to nullify what the church was saying on the abortion question, because the implication was, well, they don't care about children.
This is what goes on in Ireland.
It is obscene.
It's utterly obscene.
And one feels, distraught in the face of it.
Grease stricken to see what has become possible in our beautiful country.
Yeah, well the media or the virus and we've seen that time and time again.
John I really do appreciate coming on.
When I saw that result I was so happy, especially seeing the depression on Varadkar's
face that even brought more joy.
I'd seen them pull back, and of course, they haven't given up, and they will come back I'm sure they will try and mix this type of thing part of their their manifesto
moving forward.
But, it is a moment to celebrate, I think, in the pushback.
Thanks so much for coming on and sharing it, John.
Thank you very much, Peter. Nice to talk to you
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